"... If the 2020 election in Fulton County were truly the most secure in history, why are they guarding the employee roster like it’s the nuclear launch codes?
Who knows. Maybe they are just very, very modest. Or perhaps, when you spend five years insisting that there is absolutely nothing to see here, the last thing you need is someone switching on the lights.
Nobody outside the grand jury room knows where this is going. But the scale and persistence of the effort —the warehouse raid, a civil lawsuit, and now a subpoena for 3,000 names— suggests that whoever is driving the bus believes there is something real to find. Here’s my lawyer’s take.
The most obvious reason to demand the names, addresses, phone numbers, and emails of every single person who worked the 2020 election in Fulton County is to build a comprehensive witness list. Obviously, before you can interview people, you first need to know who they are. The county has never voluntarily produced a full roster, so the grand jury is forcing the issue. This is standard investigative groundwork: get the list, start making calls, and see who is willing to talk and who lawyers up.
The worst case for the County is that one or two cooperating witnesses provide testimony that implicates supervisors or officials— and those supervisors, facing their own legal exposure, flip upward. Federal prosecutors call this “building the pyramid.” Start at the base and work upwards toward whoever was giving the orders. The subpoena for worker names is the foundation of that pyramid.
If the physical evidence about which we’ve heard so much —the ballots, machine logs, and tabulator tapes— show discrepancies, then a cooperating witness who can explain how those discrepancies occurred transforms a forensic anomaly into a criminal conspiracy. That is the difference between “the numbers don’t add up” and “here is the person who told me to run those ballots through again.” The former is a political argument; the latter is an indictment.
The county’s statute of limitations argument is a dead loser.
Fulton County’s lawyers are making a lot of hay of the fact that the statute of limitations for 2020 election crimes has expired. That’s true for most standalone offenses. But it is not true for conspiracy charges, which have a longer clock and reset every time a conspirator takes an overt act in furtherance of the conspiracy.
But worse for Fulton County, there’s another common play that could also easily explain the subpoena: looking for a cooperating witness.
With nearly 3,000 names on that list, the odds favor that at least some of those workers saw something irregular, were pressured to do something they were uncomfortable with, or just want to tell their story. Prosecutors in complex criminal cases almost always build from the bottom up— find the low-level participant who is nervous, offer them immunity or leniency, and work your way up the chain. The sheer breadth of the request (everyone, not just supervisors) suggests they are casting a wide net, precisely to find that person who can crack the case like a piñata.
The SOL argument also fails if the investigation considers conduct that continued beyond 2020— for example, if records were altered, destroyed, or concealed after the election. The FBI’s January raid focused partly on record retention violations, which would be a separate and more recent offense. So the SOL argument, while real, is not even close to the slam dunk Fulton County claims it is.
But there’s an even more alarming possibility— alarming for Fulton County, that is.
The theory that should make Fulton County most nervous is that the grand jury may just be using 2020 as a predicate —establishing a pattern of conduct— while the real target is what happened in subsequent elections, such as 2024. If the same workers, supervisors, or systems were involved in later elections, and if there is evidence of ongoing misconduct, the 2020 data becomes the foundation of a much larger case rather than 2020 alone.
This would completely explain why the DOJ is still actively pursuing this years after the fact, and why they raided the warehouse in January rather than simply closing the file.
The county’s claims about political persecution arise mostly because the subpoena was signed by Dan Bishop, the Trump-appointed U.S. Attorney for the Middle District of North Carolina, who Pam Bondi appointed as national coordinator for election-related crimes. For context, back when he was a Republican Representative in the House, Dan voted against certifying Joe Biden’s 2020 electoral victory on January 6, 2021— in other words, a true believer.
And don’t forget: Dominion —Fulton County’s e-voting provider in 2020 and 2024— has been bought out and rebranded out of existence (it’s now “Liberty Vote” under new Republican management). Liberty Vote has Dominion’s records and could easily be voluntarily cooperating with the DOJ, and nobody would know. (Smartmatic is fighting for its corporate life in federal court on foreign bribery charges.)
The pincers are closing from multiple directions.
The Fulton County situation is a microcosm of a broader Democrat polycrisis. Democrats spent four years using the legal system as a political weapon against Trump —two impeachments, four criminal indictments, civil fraud cases, state prosecutions— and now the instrument is in other hands. The norm against weaponizing federal law enforcement has been thoroughly shredded— by Democrats. It is now intellectually impossible for them to argue that investigating a political opponent’s election conduct is inherently illegitimate, when they just spent four years doing exactly that." .......
 |
| "It's for you." |
They need to declare cognitive warfare on us, because the system they have put in place has failed. Big Time. Failed across the board. It has bankrupted the known world. The Climate Change scam has died, leaving behind trillions in debt. The Population Bomb scam has died, leaving us with catastrophically falling birthrates by the educated and white. Green energy has destroyed the industrial base of Germany, once the powerhouse of Europe.
